Defending Civic Space

By Danny Sriskandarajah

Dr Danny Sriskandarajah is CEO of the New Economics Foundation. He was previously CEO of Oxfam GB and secretary general of CIVICUS, the global civil society alliance that seeks to strengthen citizen action around the world.

This piece was originally published as a collection of essays in our Rights In Focus: Progressive Foreign Policy booklet.

Keir Starmer’s government has made unequivocal commitments to upholding human rights, the rule of law and ‘open societies’, stating that its efforts to do so will be shaped by a ‘progressive realism’.1 While this has been heartening to hear, if the government is to deliver on this vision, I urge it to bolster this rhetoric with deliberate, strategic action specifically to defend and expand civic space around the world. Defending civic space is a progressive, realistic, cost effective means of achieving a range of UK foreign policy objectives, delivering real results for the prosperity and security of the British people, for the UK’s moral standing and influence on the international stage, and generating tangible benefits for citizens in every region of the world.  

Civic space – the enabling environment for people to organise and mobilise to shape the political, economic, social and cultural life of their societies – has come under widespread attack on every continent in the last decade. A record number of countries are sliding towards authoritarianism, with more than 70 per cent of the world’s population now living in repressive, authoritarian regimes. According to the latest ratings from the CIVICUS Monitor,2 a global tool used to track civic space, only 40 out of 198 countries and territories have open civic space. Eighty-one countries and territories are rated in the two worst categories – ‘restricted’ and ‘closed’ civic space. These ratings indicate widespread, routine suppression of fundamental freedoms. 

‘When civic space is restricted, a range of other goals – from sustainable development to social transformation – are undermined’ 

This unprecedented pressure on civil society manifests itself in a range of ways: from the violent killing of human rights defenders and journalists to attempts to close down the space for democratic dialogue and debate and undermine civic resilience. States intent on closing civic space are doing so systematically: weaponizing emerging technologies to surveil, censor and suppress dissent, using mis- and disinformation as means to erode trust in civil society actors and democratic institutions, undermining the rule of law and criminalizing peaceful protest. Evidence of this crackdown can be seen in authoritarian and democratic contexts alike across the world.  

When civic space is restricted, a range of other goals – from sustainable development to social transformation – are undermined. Civil society actors are critical to creating desperately needed solutions to local and global problems, including poverty alleviation and reaching the UN’s Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Civil society provides humanitarian aid, leads reconstruction efforts, collects evidence of corruption and human rights abuses, builds sustainable peace, fights climate change, and catalyses and coordinates international action. We see this today in Ukraine where voluntary initiatives are making a huge contribution to resilience;3 in Gaza, where Palestinian journalists continue to provide crucial first-hand information despite a relentless onslaught of suffering;4 and in South Sudan, where youth groups are delivering humanitarian aid in the worst-hit conflict zones, as well as engaging in attempts to advance democratic civilian rule.5  

Civil society actors successfully campaign for new legislation and constitutional change, expose corruption, trial ways to tackle the climate crisis, and work to advance the rights of women and girls. They are the on-the-ground, agents of change we need to ensure the sustainable impact of the UK’s foreign policy objectives. It is in the strategic interest of any government committed to positive political and social change to support and partner with civil society. By choosing to centre the strategic and systematic defence, support and revival of civic space, the UK government can secure the sustainability and impact of its foreign policy objectives.  

Of course, these are straitened times. Instability abroad and shifting geopolitics have already led the government to announce that it will reduce aid from 2027 in order to boost defence spending.6 The rise of rightwing populist parties is adding to the pressure on centre-left governments to move away from ‘globalist’ priorities towards a more ‘hardheaded’ focus on domestic agendas. And, around the world, we’re witnessing an alarming retreat from international solidarity as voters buy into prevailing narratives that question the relevance of international issues. In this context, it is imperative that the government makes a clear, strong argument for how its foreign policy improves the lives of British citizens and connects with domestic priorities. This should first involve a powerful rebuttal of the notion that promoting human rights will somehow undermine our national security or go against national interests. Societies that protect human rights, the rule of law and open civic space tend to be more stable, prosperous and less prone to conflict. They offer less fertile ground for radicalisation and extremism, lessening the risk of terrorism and international insecurity and benefiting the UK’s own security and economic interests. Respect for human rights and the rule of law are fundamental building blocks of an environment conducive to investment, innovation and economic growth, including opportunities for UK businesses to thrive. Inadequate protection of human rights creates a damaging cycle of insecurity, instability and poverty.  

Being a good faith player on the international stage – acting with moral clarity and leadership – is overwhelmingly in the UK’s national interest. Advocating for civil society and upholding human rights strengthens our credibility and soft power, enabling us to engage constructively with other nations and effectively advocate for our priorities in international forums. Failure on the international stage always costs the British people. Protecting civic space and working to improve the resilience of civil society – as well as having value in its own right – also offers clear value for money for the British taxpayer. In an era of fiscal constraint, investing in local civil society actors breaks the cycle of aid dependency and catalyses more efficient, sustainable, locally owned development solutions.  

The Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (FCDO) has made some good progress in this regard in recent years, including its consultation on how to manage civil society and civic space programming, which contains many excellent recommendations;7 its newly deployed civic space diagnostic toolkit;8 its continued commitment to the Lifeline Embattled CSO Fund;9 and its partnership with Comic Relief on Shifting the Power.10 But, crucially, the FCDO still needs a cross-departmental strategy to guide its work to defend civic space and a mainstreaming of support for civil society throughout its programming. Without this, opportunities to maximise its impact will continue to be missed.  

A new funding model for its work with civil society should prioritise long-term, locally led development with a focus on the provision of accessible, flexible, multi-year, core funding. Support should be tailored not towards project delivery, but towards building the long-term organisational effectiveness and impact of a broad, diverse range of civil society partners in the global south. Moving the allocation of funding closer to the ground in local contexts around the world – and, crucially, devolving much of its decision-making – would ensure great impact with less money.  

Empowering UK embassies to work directly with local civil society organisations (CSOs) and providing more funding and support to civil society networking bodies are two tried-and-tested options here. Factoring in the potential of alternative financing mechanisms such as decentralized funding pools and public-private partnerships should also form part of the FCDO’s efforts to build sustainability and reduce donor dependency.  

Changing its funding model to be more locally led would also be a crucial step towards achieving the fundamental transfer of power, which needs to define the new development landscape. Going local offers value for money, technical efficiency and development impact, but it also offers the UK government the opportunity to achieve so much more than that. The dominant development modalities of the last two decades have nurtured a cadre of contracted, professionalised civil society organisations, unsuited to disruptive change. Advocating for human rights and social justice is an awkward fit with donors’ insistence on short-term measurable projects. The very organisations that should be best positioned to fight back against closing civic space have either been severely under-resourced or have become totally reliant on foreign funding. The dependence we’ve created has led to many countries now viewing CSOs as suspicious agents of external forces. There needs to be an honest acknowledgement of the impact of our funding decisions and a commitment to fundamentally transform our approach. The FCDO should not see civil society organisations simply as aid recipients, programme implementers or sources of information, but as equal, legitimate and expert partners for change. UK diplomats and embassy staff should develop mutually accountable, beneficial relationships with civil society and human rights defenders in country. Such partnerships would enable the FCDO to meaningfully consult with civil society in the design, implementation and evaluation of policies, strategies and programmes and provide the UK government with the knowledge and legitimacy to be outspoken in their diplomatic defence of civic space and human rights.  

Of course, a further component to the UK’s credibility and success in this area is what it does to protect and enhance civic freedoms within the UK. The launch of Keir Starmer’s Civil Society Covenant11 earlier this year, recognising the crucial role that civil society must play in national renewal, is to be welcomed. But CIVICUS currently rates civic space in the UK as ‘obstructed’, worse than many other western European and North American countries. At the risk of stating the obvious, getting our own house in order is a prerequisite to effective advocacy on democracy and human rights issues on the international stage. The UK government must face down a global retreat from international solidarity; it must stand against deepening authoritarian influence and fast eroding freedoms, and it must keep faith with a postwar human rights system under severe strain. The shrinking of civic space is not an abstract concern, but an existential threat to the future of democracy, prosperity and international stability. In a multipolar age, overcoming our global challenges will take coordinated, collective action. For this, we need a vibrant, healthy civil society that can build power from below and connect beyond borders. 

1 David Lammy, ‘The Case For Progressive Realism: Why Britain Must Chart a New Global Course’, 17 April 2024), https://www.davidlammy.co.uk/the-case-for-progressive-realism/  

2 CIVICUS Monitor, https://monitor.civicus.org  

3 Christopher Neill, ‘Beyond the Battlefield: The Unwavering Resilience of Ukrainian Society’, EURAC Research, 12 March 2025, https://www.eurac.edu/en/blogs/connecting-the-dots/beyond-the-battlefie…;

4 Shahira S. Fahmy, Mohamed Salama, and Mona Raafat Alsaba, ‘Palestinian Journalists as Both Storytellers and Targets in the Israel-Gaza War’, The Cairo Review of Global Affairs, 23 February 2025, https://www.thecairoreview. com/essays/palestinian-journalists-as-both/  

5 Rachel Palermo and Paula Porras Reyes, ‘Amid Sudan’s Chaos, Youth Groups Work for Peace’, United States Institute of Peace, 02 May 2023, https://www.usip.org/publications/2023/05/amid-sudans-chaos-youth-groups-work-peace 

6 Philip Loft and Philip Brien ‘UK to reduce aid to 0.3% of gross national income from 2027’, House of Commons Library, 28 February 2025, www.commonslibrary.parliament.uk/uk-to-reduce-aid-to-0-3-of-gross-natio…;

7 West Africa Civil Society Institute (WACSI) and Bond UK, FCDO Engagement Report on shaping the Future of Centrally Managed Civil Society and Civic Space Programming, Executive Summary, December 2023, www.bond. org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2025/02/FCDO-Engagement-Report-on-shaping-the-Future-of-Centrally-Managed-CivilSociety-and-Civic-Space-Pro-1-1.pdf  

8 FCDO, FCDO Written Evidence to the International Development Committee FCDO and Civil Societies Inquiry, https://committees.parliament.uk/writtenevidence/130044/html/  

9 FCDO, UK Support to the Lifeline Embattled CSO Assistance Fund, GOV.UK Development Tracker, GBGOV-1-400099), https://devtracker.fcdo.gov.uk/programme/GB-GOV-1-400099/summary  

10 Comic Relief, ‘Shifting the Power’, www.comicrelief.com/funding/tackling-injustices/shifting-the-power  

11 HM Government, ‘PM Set to Reshape How Government Works with Communities to Tackle Britain’s Biggest Challenges’, 16 July 2025, www.gov.uk/government/news/pm-set-to-reshape-how-government-works-withc…;